Scrapping FMR victimizes peaceful Indo- Myanmar borders indigenous people

Dr Lemwang Chuhwanglim
Mon, Nagaland

The nearest history of Free Movement Regime between India and Myanmar is indicated in the bilateral agreement between the two nations in 2018 as part of the Act East Policy with an objective to promulgate the economy of the region through free flow trade connection with the Southeast Asian nations. People from both the nations attained liberty to move across the border within the 16 kms. Northeast India region has been one of the feasible routes for India to bridge important countries in South East Asia like Japan and other developing nations, in the interest of developing India. Notably, as indicated in the Study IQ, Japan had been part of the developments emerging in Northeast India in terms of mega road projects and others.

The sudden vigorous shift from the vision of economic blooming Act East Policy to dividing families through scrapping Free Movement Regime, instilled unity among the people from the bordering states (Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland) to its resistance. The emergence of scrapping FMR is credited to the Chief Minister of Manipur meeting the Home Minister of India in Delhi on 3rd February 2024. FMR has been the root cause of the Manipur violence where illegal trade, infiltration of immigrants, drug trafficking and so on (The Hindu News) exist. This reason had convincingly intrigued the Home Minister of India to promptly announce the scrapping of FMR on 8th February 2024 (INDIATV). Subsequently, Indigenous people in general and its tribal bodies had been voicing against it day by day through various means.

Scrapping FMR has become a political and emotional issue in the Northeast India region. Politically, the BJP government in collaboration with the BJP ruling State of Manipur plays a major role. Emotionally, indigenous people of the same families fear the division in families by fencing the borders. The indigenous people in the Indo-Myanmar border still believe that the demarcation of the border itself is unofficial for no indigenous people were consulted. For instance, the Indo-Myanmar border in Chenmoho village in Mon District was demarcated by Shongtok, then DC Tuensang in 1954. The villagers, GBs and elders carried him on a bamboo platform from Chen Wangti till Nyanching Village in Myanmar side, to survey the land where Chen Nagas settle. As directed, the villagers brought him back to Chen. Instead of demarcating the boundary in the place where Chen Nagas settled in Myanmar side, he demarcated the boundary inside India where today, half of the Chen people settled in their traditional land in Myanmar side. Similarly, Khiamniungan Indigenous people were divided by the illusive boundary who settled half beyond the boundary and predominant inside the boundary. Similar divisions of family members will be found among the indigenous people settled in the 1643 km Indo-Myanmar borders. Erecting fencing in the border subjugates the rights of the indigenous people whose families will be torn apart, which also stands against the Article 36(1) of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous People (United Nations, 2007).

A single Chief Minister of Manipur has immeasurable power to convince the Home Minister of India in a single shot to abrogate the FMR. Similarly, the voices of the three Chief Ministers of Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Nagaland can be tantamount or greater to convince the Home Minister for the existence of FMR with genuine reasons that, unlike Manipur that shares 390 kms borders with conflicts and violence, of 1643 kms Indo-Myanmar border, 510 kms in Mizoram, 520 kms in Arunachal Pradesh and 215 kms in Nagaland (livemint news) share peaceful borders with peaceful people from both the nations. Comparatively, the issue of insurgency, drugs trafficking, infiltration of illegal immigrants is invisible in these three States' borders until now. In fact, the armies from the two nations maintain peace and harmony through routine activity in collaboration with the indigenous people from both sides, such as meeting once a month and establishing Burmese School in Longva village on the Indo-Myanmar border.

The States in the North East India which share non-conflict zone borders with Myanmar have a wider aspect to preserve the FMR through fragmenting the misleading information that reaches Delhi. Scrapping FMR in expense of the conflict in the Indo-Myanmar border in Manipur will irrationally victimize the peaceful indigenous people living in the peaceful Indo-Myanmar borders of Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland, which is outrageously murdering their justice and rights. The firm written responses from tribal bodies, village heads and common people from the peaceful Indo-Myanmar against scrapping FMR, sends out a powerful message to the people globally that rights of the indigenous people should not be devalued by political power in the interest of religion, certain communities and individuals. If scrapping FMR is inevitable, apply it contextually where conflict exists, not in peaceful places. In a democratic nation like India, if the Indigenous people continue to stand united and strong, their rights can be preserved from any illogical decision making that stands against the time immemorial identity and rights.