Sanjay Sangvai – was a social activist, freelance journalist and member of Narmada Bachao Andolan
The first thing that strikes any outsider in Nagaland is the sheer beauty of the terrain – the green mountains under the vast canopy of the blue sky, the villages embracing the hillsides and the spontaneous and decent way the people interact with each other and with you. As you stay more, it is the sense of equality, relatively more than in any part of the subcontinent except in tribal areas, among the different sections of population and particularly between men and women that makes you take serious note. It is heartening to see women, young Naga girls, roaming without any fear, in groups or even alone, in the streets, along the highways, in bazaars or in forests without being subjected to lecherous gaze, comments or misconduct. The differentiation between the high and the low, the powerful and out of power is too thin, as yet.
The relative prosperity among the Nagas, particularly the middle and urban classes, the rampant westernization and consumerism along with the money culture forms another aspect of the Naga reality. Scratch any thinking Naga student, or member of intelligentsia and (s)he will complain about the “money culture” that is ruining the youths and the basic socio-political values and institution of the Naga society. The money bags and subsidies from Delhi wallahs has been dampening the entrepreneurship, the independent and self-reliant economy and the concomitant independent politics of the Nagas. The third aspect of the Naga reality is the long and arduous struggle for “freedom” and “self-determination”, which have been the central values and aspirations of Naga politics of any hue. It is but a pity that the majority of politicians, political parties, intellectuals and serious journalists prefer to ignore this aspect of Naga problem. We are unnecessarily awkward and evasive about the issue of the self-determination and freedom. The patriotism and nationalism tends us to ignore the nationalism of others. Our policy makers and opinion makers skirt away the real issue and go on with the usual blah-blah of the development, preservation of Naga culture – about which the Nagas too seem to have awakened rather belatedly – and the euphemism of more “autonomy”. This evasion of the basic issue of the self-determination, not only of the Nagas but of other such nationalities, has proved to be and will be counterproductive. This would further strengthen the aspiration and would cause if unnecessary bitterness.
The Naga intellectuals or the former Naga Army veterans point out that India has been the most natural ally, friend and political, economic inspiration and shelter for Naga people. But this relation can be retained only with the recognition of the separate identity and political entity of the Naga people, they say. “Why should India spend so much money and gain nothing but enmity of the Naga people? Isn’t it a losing proposition? Instead of that, India could live as a most dependable, trusted friend of Nagaland, Naga people and we too would take care of India’s strategic and political interests in the region. Let us work out some such modalities, it is not at all difficult for Nagaland to safeguard the interests of India,” said General Maken, from Mokokchung area. This old, veteran leader had been the chief of Naga Army for 25 years and is now trying to unite all the factions and groups fighting for the Naga cause, but currently engaged in internecine feuds. Not only General Maken, but the village gaonburas of the Kohima Village Council too think so. All of them have been Naga Army veterans and recently came “overground”. The village head, Mr. Vimedo tells in a terse way, “The root cause is – you Indians say we Indians, that means including the Nagas. We Nagas say we Nagas and you Indians.” That sums up the entire issue.
The aspiration for the self-determination has been an over-arching and overused theme of the Naga politics. No one, even the most moderate and pro-India political elements, can evade this theme. The armed struggle for the Naga Republic, in the form of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), enjoys a silent, consistent support as an undercurrent and a given reality. It is perfectly recognized that the warring factions of NSCN or other underground groups (UGs) have been harassing the common Nagas or causing uncalled for bloodshed. However, that does not make the people to believe in the Army or Delhi truth that the “secessionist” groups have been losing their base. Some of the Naga groups, particularly the student groups have been emphasizing the need for a holistic and ideological orientation for the Naga issues. Many of them are equally concerned about the rampant consumerist social and political culture and the depletion of the natural resources of Nagaland.
The continued presence of the Armed Forces and the atrocities and violation of the human rights by them has been the fourth aspect of the reality in Nagaland. Apart from the visible atrocities in and outside of the custody, of which there has been no dearth, the Armed Forces presence itself has made life abnormal. These armed personnel, insecure though they feel in this alien land, are everywhere – in bazaars, chowks, on roads, highways. The people, particularly women and girls, feel insecure and threatened. Any time a havaldar can nab you or shoot you, make the people run for their life and dignity. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act has further immunized them from the normal state administrative control, legislative and judicial accountability. The Armed Forces, thus has been a state within state. The very presence of these forces, notwithstanding some gestures of goodwill and concern by the army and some enlightened officials, continues to antagonize the people and an avoidable bitterness about the state, about India pervades throughout the villages, and boardrooms of the intellectuals have been increasing due to this. India stands to gain nothing; the Armed Forces and their acts of omissions and commissions further alienate the Naga people, sully the image of India in international arena and constitute financial burden on the exchequer. The Armed Forces, their atrocities, does not help in solving the problem but it complicates the already vexed issue. It has compounded the relations between the peoples of Nagaland and India, has vitiated the political atmosphere and any possibility of dialogue on the Naga issue.
True, the Naga issue has an international context of the dominance and control by the hegemonic powers. The interference by the neighboring countries including China and the international drug of cartels has aggravated the situation. The Indian Army of has to deal with them. But, by concentrating on or pointing at genuine aspirations of the people and the root cause. The continued presence and increasing influence and role of the Armed Forces in Nagaland – for that matter in the entire North-Eastern region is a matter of grave concern. A number of organizations, movements have emerged during last two decades to safeguard the fundamental and human rights and campaign against the state sponsored atrocities and violation of human rights. The Indian based human rights organizations too have played their part in highlighting the human rights condition in the area. Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), Naga Students’ Federation and other such organizations have painstakingly collected the information about the atrocities, have been demanding the right to information, filing the court cases. During the last five years, enlightened intelligentsia in and outside Nagaland has been trying to broaden the scope of the debate of the Naga self-determination with inputs like the democracy, tolerance, participation, cultural identity, restrains on consumerism and money culture along with saving the natural resources, indigenous knowledge system. All this is still in the infantile stage, though.
The response of the Army and that of the Government to the allegations of the human rights violations constitutes yet another aspect of the Naga political life. The Armed Forces maintain that they are not here in Nagaland on their free will. They have been specifically called in by the elected Government of Nagaland, whatever that might be. They report to that Government and are at every stage moved in only on the specific request of the administration. As Brigadier P.K. Singh of the Army headquarters at Jakhama pointed out, the Armed forces follow all the legal niceties scrupulously. When someone points out that the state Government is not a legitimate body, and that it does not represent the Naga aspirations, the Army has nothing to do with it. Rather you play into their hands if you maintain that the politicians are corrupt and selfish. They would simply, and legitimately say, that it was not their problem, as they have to obey any Tom, Dick, Harry who is ruling at Kohima. And this is true in Nagaland. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1972 was invoked in April 1995 on the request of the Chief Minister S.C. Jamir, who did not care to inform the Cabinet, Legislative Assembly or for that matter the ruling party before submitting to the Center’s suggestion regarding invoking of this Act. All the legitimate political processes had followed the invocation of this Act. Some of the Ministers, for example, the Minister for Law, Mr. Lohe had confessed in front of some of the activists in April 1996, that the Cabinet knew nothing of the invocation of such Act and the Chief Minister (CM) had only announced the decision one fine morning. Thus the Armed Forces were there to protect the state Government and the ruling clique against the “extortionists” undergrounds (UGs), say the ruling party members. The entire normal political process is distorted for this purpose. The interests of the ruling party, group in Nagaland coincide with the interests of the “Indian” Government. Army can claim that they have been acting on the request of the state Government and as a part of Naga political process. The Army officials also make it a point to have a dig at the state police. Why is the Army called? Because the state administration and the people themselves do not believe in the police and their efficiency, told Brig. Singh.
Next, the Army nowadays strongly puts forth the human rights of the personnel of the Armed Forces – a rather queer argument. Brigadier K.V.M. Nair of Assam Rifles in Kohima came to shouting on this point and blamed the human rights organizations of deliberately ignoring this aspect. It is a strange argument of equalizing the state violence with the retaliatory acts of the non-state groups. The Indian Government has discovered, in recent times, the right to development of the Third World countries to counter the arguments of the peoples’ struggles in their own country. Similarly, the human rights of the Government officials is being used to smother any talk about the grave violation of the peoples’ rights at the hands of the army.
Thirdly, the Army has its own internal mechanism, its own in built review process whereby any violation of the code of conduct is first detected, tried and is punished. This internal mechanism is far more fast, superior and efficient, the officials maintain. “We are the first to be aware of our responsibilities, the failures, as we care for our reputation,” they maintain. Accordingly, Indian Armed Forces have maintained that they are aware of the fact that in Nagaland or in the North-East or even in Kashmir, they are not fighting against an enemy – but “trying to dissuade their own countrymen, who have taken to the wrong path” (note the exact wording, please). “We have our code of conduct, in North East, every soldier has a card of the Ten Commandments,” they would insist. The soldiers are given different sort of training and orientation. Finally, to quote both the above-mentioned Armed Forces officials, “We too are human beings. Army personnel are moral beings. We are doing the dirtiest job which no one could do, because we are told to do that and we are just obeying the orders. We are not Satan, we too have our daughters, our emotions....”
Then there is the “Operation Good Samaritan” whereby the Armed forces are engaged in the village development work, road building and what not. In Nagaland “Army Development Group” (ADG) which was formulated has carried out many schemes. However, this Good Samaritan role is never appreciated by the people of the villages. At the most, there is a feeling of extracting benefits, using the Army, which even some of the officials too feel. People remain sullen, fuming, recalcitrant, uncooperative. It is the situation like one depicted in the famous work of John Steinback, “The Moon Is Down,” where the villagers in the Scandinavian countryside do obey the occupation army of the Nazis, but do not respect it, do not have any humane interaction with it, which makes the aggressors to go psychic. Well, the Indian Army or those who control the army have not lost the hope as yet, if there is one at all.
All this shows the growing awareness on the part of the state of the debate, importance of the human rights at the international level and its response to it in Nagaland which may help the activists and the students to understand the situation. Of course, there have been some reforms, some facelift to the army operations in view of the growing criticism, but that doesn’t help to improve the basic aberration – to turn the problem into a law and order situation and evading the basic issue of “self-determination”.
We, in India or the rest of India, have been blissfully unaware of what was happening in Naga-land and rest of the North-East. Our perception largely depended upon the military handouts which were honestly flashed out by the news agencies at Kohima and Guwahati. That made us think that the problem mainly lies with the “anti-national”, “terrorist” elements and had blinded us of the normal, routine public life, the people and their problems, aspirations. The North-East, particularly Naga-land has assumed phantasmagoric proportions in our imaginations. The activists, professionals and common people in the towns, villages in Nagaland were overwhelmed when some people from “India” had come to hear what they wanted to say, their grievances and woes. It has been made out that the Armed Forces are necessary in such a land if normal life has to be maintained. Also, it is being told that first let there be normalcy, only then there could be dialogue. This seems to be the universal thinking of the power holders. Many organizations, prominent people in Nagaland want the withdrawal of Armed Forces and a political dialogue to precede any let out in the UGs’ activities. Or at least, the UGs acts could not be made an excuse to avoid the political dialogue and solution. If that is not done and if the people, opinion makers from the rest of India or from India do not sympathize with the Naga aspirations, the inevitable course would be complete alienation and disillusionment with India. Maybe some chauvinists will be drawing satisfaction from keeping a people with you on the basis of coercion, force and yet we may call it a “nation”.
Even after a brief visit to Nagaland one can gauge the kind of situation and sensibilities of the people. This writer could feel people’s urge for self-determination, overt or covert, still intact despite the overbearing presence of the security forces and the money culture from India. In fact, woefully though, India is identified with military money, and corruption in the minds of the Naga people. The word “Indian” is so all-pervading that the Armed Forces’ officers too call themselves as “Indian forces”. However, the Naga people and their organizations can count on a number of conscientious Indians and their organizations which understand their problem and are trying to protect the human rights of the people there. At the same time, it would be better for the Naga organizations to look inwards and pay heed to the frank and friendly analysis of their issues and organization from the sympathizing friends. It will be in the interest of the Naga cause only to introspect and have a critique of the Naga issue and the processes involved in it.
The first question nags all those who sympathize with the Naga cause: what is the vision of the future Nagaland in the minds of those who strive for the cause of Naga self-determination? What kind of Nagaland do they want to see – in its economic, social, cultural, political and environmental aspects? What kind of development do they envisage for future Nagaland? Is it the same model of development as Independent India had opted for some fifty years back, which has resulted in more inequality, destruction of natural resources, indebtedness, cultural and political decadence? One could see the opulence, consumerism rampant in the lives of the middle classes and higher classes in Nagaland. The unmindful westernization does not leave any scope for developing independent Naga cultural identity – be it either in arts, attire, mindset, knowledge base or aspirations – particularly those of Naga youths. The Naga-land has become an integrated part of the consumerist India – or rather the globe, and hence any talk of the identity, self-determination becomes more a management of power sharing than a profound political ideology. One is always reminded that if the people in Nagaland and Punjab are to be called “deprived” or “backward” and hence a need to assert and have a problem of identity, then what about those in Bihar and hinterlands of M.P., Karnataka, Andhra and Rajasthan? Well, be as it may, the main question is that of the future of such a Nagaland, which is already on the path of dominant paradigm of development and that too with subsidized economy. What kind of knowledge base, culture or political structure do the Naga agitators envisage?
In 1909, long before the Indian Independence, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi had written a book, “Hind Swaraj” wherein he had offered the critique of the then prevalent political, cultural and economic scenario and had tried to interpret the meaning of the Indian Independence in such a context. For him, the formal political freedom was of secondary importance. The root cause of our slavery and British domination, to him, was in the domination of the very idea of progress, knowledge and the paradigms of science and development. Thus, more than the formal Independence, the hegemony of the ideology of progress and development makes us subservient. The paradigm of development that Gandhiji or other leaders on Indian Independence, or for that matter any other freedom movement, had envisaged might be incomplete, full with blemishes and so on. The point is: there has been continuous churning of the ideas about the India of their dreams. A multifaceted discourse was on about the path which we have to take, along with the political movement for formal sovereignty.
Secondly, there should be an internal critique of the social, cultural stratification, inequities, internal contradiction by the Nagas themselves. The “identity syndrome” is presented as one monolith or given reality. Some concerned persons will have to take up this task of serious socio-political critique, as one finds among Naga intellectuals very deep and sharp understanding of this reality. No doubt these new intellectuals and activists among Nagas are quite concerned about the erosion of Naga youth increasingly becoming a part of the “global” hegemonic order regarding political, cultural choices and lifestyles. Obviously, such subjugation makes one blind towards knowledge base, science, political and social understanding and cultural values along with the natural resources, wealth of our own land and people. One is surprised to hear that fertilizers are not used in the rice fields in large parts of Nagaland, or about the kind of food and food habits, medicines, traditional technologies, customary laws and responsibilities, the work culture, participatory, decentralized yet well-knit political structures that existed in the traditional Naga society and the role, place of women even in the “modern” Naga society. All these factors need to be assessed, evaluated in the present context. It might be the ignorance of the present writer, but one is surprised to know that even after more than fifty years of vigorous movement for the identity, and despite the large scale literacy for about last hundred years along with intense politicisation – with all the modern values and gadgets – one could see very few literary, artistic expressions in any of the Naga languages or even in English. Every social, political movement has corresponding literary and artistic forms and sensibilities, expressions, shaping the cultural life and understanding. What is the reason for such a dearth, if at all.
The people from other parts of India are struck by the relative affluence of the Naga people (or for that matter prosperity in Punjab) and their sense of grievance. The people involved in Naga movement can make it a point to go to other places in India or in the sub-continent to see, experience the deprivation, destitution and exploitation, inequality, resource depletion there. They could see the wages of so-called development and the people up in arms (literally too, in some places) against the deprivation and resource crunch. The Naga movement or any such identity movement will have to place itself in such a context of larger perspective of the present and the future prospects. In this context, the increased interaction between various movements, organizations in India, struggling on various issues and fronts would be beneficial for both the movements. It would equip the Naga movement, whatever the aim and future course they take up on themselves, to deal with the real issues of development which the people in the other parts of India are already dealing with. The Naga people and their organizations will have to face these issues of “development” in the immediate future if not at present.
(This Article was first published in 1997, when Sanjay Sangvai, a member of the fact-finding to the North-East came to Nagaland to assess the impact of militarization and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, on civil population. Sanjay died on May 29, 2007 after a prolonged illness. In memory of his contribution to the struggle for dignity and peace, this article is being reproduced).
