Imkong Walling
Back in mid-2019, the Nagaland state government had a surprise up its sleeves notifying a decision to set up a master list of indigenous inhabitants of the state, christened the Register of Indigenous Inhabitants of Nagaland (RIIN). Styled on the line of the Assam NRC, the decision came at a time when the demand for including Dimapur district within the purview of the Inner Line regulation or the ILP was hot.
The notification received with mixed reactions. Doubts and concerns were raised which prompted the government to reassess the situation and invite public consultation. It was followed by institution of a ‘Commission on RIIN’ to study, examine, advise and recommend on all issues relating to the proposed exercise. The scale seemed to weigh in favour of the RIIN with civil society organisations and even political parties in support.
Yet as the year progressed, the initial hurried posturing to set up the notified RIIN within 60 days lost steam, even as the RIIN Commission was stated to have completed its assigned task. It further got lost in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 only to resurface in 2021.
The intent and objective of the RIIN, as per the June 29, 2019 notification, was to prevent the issuing of “fake Indigenous Inhabitant Certificates (IIC)” or in other words, the unbridled issuing of IICs without background checks.
While the intent is clear enough, there are certain complexities pertaining to naturalization and assimilation that need to be thoroughly considered before going ahead with the exercise.
One being adoption i.e. adoption of non-Naga children by native Naga parents. Would it not challenge the rights of persons or children of adoptive Naga parents?
The other pertains to the assimilation of children of mixed-parentage (non-Naga father, Naga mother). It is natural for people to assimilate to a given society and it happens here, too. It plays out in the form of assimilation of children of mixed parentage and their parents, and children who are adopted through customary practices being welcomed into the clan by their adoptive family and clan. It most often does not require paper declarations as oral testimony is considered sufficient to seal the pledge. If the RIIN gets implemented would it not conflict with this customary practice?
If an individual’s parents, grandparents or great grand-parents were not listed as voters in 1963-64, do they become non-Naga or non-indigenous? What of the non-tribal communities whose ancestors settled in Dimapur well before any Naga did?
The criteria for inclusion in the RIIN is still unclear but before the process takes shape, the humanitarian angle needs to be addressed with care and prudence lest it turns into a tool for alienation rather than an inclusive one.
The writer is a Principal Correspondent at The Morung Express. Comments can be sent to imkongwalls@gmail.com
