The Nagas’ Struggle For Freedom:

The hurdles and the options within our reach

Dr. K. Hoshi

Racially, the Nagas and Indians are from different stocks. The differences in the genetic make-up of the Dravido-Aryan and Mongoloid stocks are beyond dispute. Socio-culturally, none can deny the fusion that has been going on. Geo-politically, Nagaland came to be included as the sixteenth State of the Union of India through the 16-point agreement of 1964. Since then, it has been continually argued that the Nagas came to be included as Indians against the wishes of the majority Nagas. This majority group also believed that Nagas became Indians not by choice but by compelling situation in that point of time. The continuing Naga political struggle has been taken as valid point to vindicate this belief. Real political will has still not found its rightful place.

History revealed that during the British India period our demand for sovereignty was made, not from India but from the British Crown power. But after the departure of British India the saddle was surreptitiously handed over to free-India. Thereafter, much as we hate to admit the Nagas’ struggle became one of liberating ourselves, not from the British rule but from Indian rule. The Naga leaders of that time tried all democratic and peaceful means. They submitted memoranda after memoranda to the British Crown power. But on their departure they left our fate to independent India. The British allowed us to smell the aroma of nationalism but they did not allow us to experience the taste of freedom.

From 14th August 1947 onwards, the Nagas’ struggle for freedom totally changed its course. It took an ugly turn when the Government of India advocated a military approach. Our democratic non-violent approach was bullied and sullied by great Indian army. Militarily, the Nagas were quite unprepared. But in the face of objective annihilation by the enemy the Nagas were left without any choice than to take up arms for self defense. The struggle became partly an armed struggle while the peaceful non-violent approach still continued. However, with persistent bombardment by the aggressor what was aimed at self defense evolved into a full-scale armed struggle. 

Then and there on, the oppressive Indian military never ever impressed the suppressed Nagas. There’s no denying the fact that, as a universal truth, not whole Indian military is taken as bad by Nagas. There were and are many upright military personnel who sympathize with the Nagas. Unfortunately, they were and are in desperate minority who believes in their own infallibility. The purity of their hearts blinded them from noticing the ugly side of their comrades’ wrong actions on Nagas. They do not realize that what the Nagas needed from them is not their sympathy but their empathy.

The Nagas claim that we still uphold the non-violent method as far as our fight with India is concerned. But today, we are dangerously pointing our guns at each other, killing each other like animals. To be honest, we have played into the hands of our enemy. This has become the greatest hurdle in the history of our freedom struggle. The black policy of ‘divide and rule’ has finally paid off. In recent years we have become the greatest hypocrites because we maintain the policy of non-violence towards our enemy but the policy of ‘arms and arms alone’ against each other. If factional clashes over the years are any indication any right thinking man would say the Nagas are heading for total self-annihilation.

The worst is the paper war against one another. Well, the common people never knew so much conspiracy and fratricide were committed among our own Naga brothers in the name of nationalism. We thought everything was sailing smoothly. The revelations are much too appalling and shameful. Nevertheless, the innocent publics have the open heart to forgive and forget. It is the philosophy of infallibility among the factions that has bred bad blood. Fact of the matter is that, no group is totally free from blame. We only make ourselves a laughing stock in the eyes of our enemy with our charges and counter-charges in the media.

History amply revealed that political conspiracy and act of extermination due to ideological differences did occur in freedom struggles of many countries. The Naga situation is not an isolated case. But such acts did come to logical ends for good or for worse. Tragically, worst ends far exceeded good ends as evident from the pages of history, for the simple reason that people’s wishes did finally prevailed. We need to learn from history. The voice of the people is supreme. It’s about time we learn to respect each other’s sentiment.

Much as we refuse to admit the State of Nagaland has become a reality for over four decades. The political scenario too has changed. The transition no doubt, has been stormy. Under this changed political scenario should we continue to embark on the policy of ‘no talk’ with India in keeping with the policy of ‘not demanding independence from India’? Let us be honest. Freedom or for that matter sovereignty will be won either by negotiation or by war only. If the Nagas say ‘no to negotiation’ with India we are left with war option. It has been a ‘do or die’ situation. We have time and again admitted that Nagas on our own will be in such hopeless situation to face the onslaught of the mighty Indian military. This leaves us with negotiation (diplomacy) as our best option. India is willing to talk to us or so, they said. We need to make the most out of it. The only thing we need to question is their sincerity. If India is really serious about talks as it claimed we need to remind her that it has to stop taking the role of the big bully brother and stern uncompromising father.

Today, the Nagas are in the same situation as the Indians were during their freedom struggle. Indians of that time suffered humiliating atrocities in the hands of the brutal British. Today, they might have forgotten that it was more the British atrocities on Indians than the political inspiration in itself that made the Indian blood ran high. The average Indians need to be sensitized on Naga issue. The best way to do that is to prick their conscience, taking them back to their history of freedom struggle- event by event, year by year and decade by decade. The roles of Naga historians need no over-emphasis in this campaign. It is the Indian and Naga historians and not the political leaders that can put two and two together and guide the leaders of both sides for permanent solution.

It is very clear that India is prepared to accede to us a ‘Dominant Home rule’; the very proposal she herself rejected from the British. It is like whipping us with the same rope that was used to whip them by the British. They accused the British’s policy of ‘divide-and-rule’, a policy based on the principle of ‘deceit and diplomacy’. Ironically, they immortalized the legacy of this black policy on Nagas. We need to remind the sensitive Indians of this historical fact.

Whether we look back to the past or look ahead to the future, in the present it is again and again a negotiated settlement with India that seems the best option. We must be prepared to extract the maximum. Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose said, “The art of political bargaining is not in the question of how much you can give but how much you can take it”. He also said “Men with fixed ideas are not well-qualified for political bargaining”. The British had abandoned us. There’s no way that they will directly intervene in our issue now. It is through India and, India alone that they would indirectly intervene should even they decide to intervene. War or diplomacy, it is now left to us. 

It is also a fact that we need India’s influence on our issue with Myanmar government. We may not like the idea but the situation has brought us to such an extent. We need to accept the reality. The world is passing through the sophisticated twenty first century. But the human condition in the eastern Nagaland is still in pathetic condition of pre-civilization era of the first century. There is practically no education, healthcare and economic development in this remote of the remotest world. If anything, it is the deplorable human (or inhuman) condition that alone can attract the eyes of the civilized world. Democracy in the homestead may have failed these people. But it is hope that a superpower like America, the professed champion of democracy and humanity may one day shed off its hypocrisy and stand for humanity not only in oil-rich gulf countries but also elsewhere like in eastern Nagaland. 

Peace, reconciliation and unity are the key objectives on which our Naga civil societies, NGOs and all concerned intellects are working. Peace and reconciliation or for that matter, unity among the factions are doubtless, essential pre-requisites. Sadly, the question remains as to whether we waste precious time in the confine and whirlpool of peace and reconciliation process, an internal problem. One may argue that no effort is worthless. But the question also remains on whether the sacrifices are worth the effort when each group believes in its own infallibility.   

The Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) is working on peace and reconciliation with the conviction that God can do miracle on Nagas. The only miracle that we can expect is the spiritual miracle. The NBCC needs to retrospect on what gave its power it wielded in the fifty’s and sixty’s. The Naga National Council (NNC) was an undivided house then. But more importantly, the Holy Spirit was at work among the Nagas. Those days every convert Naga Christian was practically under the spell of the Holy Spirit. Mass spiritual revival seems the only hope to bring about contrite Naga hearts for reconciliation.

The Nagas’ struggle for freedom is a political process involving two nation entities. It is a tragedy that we have pushed the real issue to the back and engulfed ourselves in internal bickering. Pragmatically, more than peace and reconciliation what we need today is to evolve a ‘political formula’ that would shape the future Nagaland. 

The factions emphasize on upholding the national principle. Politically, this has been argued as the dividing line among the factions. A new Naga constitution acceptable to all the groups should be considered a viable proposition. Surely, there must be enough space in the pages of our Naga constitution to accommodate each group’s aspiration. We may explore the scope of drafting a new Naga constitution that would be the right basis to forge national unity.

The struggle for freedom should not be like a department bus that carries the department’s staff only. It needs to be converted into a passenger bus that would carry all groups of people with valid tickets. More over-ground Nagas need to be involved in evolving a political formula for solution. They will be instrumental in formulating the national objective and principle. Precedence was set in which, there might be apprehensions. The people on wheel need to give the signal for participation. The need for an open heart should not be wanting.

A vehicle in motion is on the road with all parts put together including the fuel. But ultimately it is the steering that controls the vehicle from going off the road. There need not be any apprehension that somebody in the back seat would again take over the steering. The past experiences might have set precedence but it need not be expected as the convention. We ought to learn from past experiences and be more cautious. 

It has been the long cherished philosophies of the extremist’s school of thought that the State’s elected members who had and have taken the oath of allegiance to the Constitution of India have no moral right to play any role vis-à-vis the Naga political issue. Not unexpectedly, over the years the role of the legislators have been marginalized, if not totally, to a great significant extent. Some took it to their advantage. In the process, none can deny that there remains a big question mark on whether such rigid posture merits a thorough review in the changing scenario of Naga political struggle. 

The reason in question is the constitutional validity to raise our own issue in the floor of the house. If we study India’s situation history is amply clear that the Indians, in the process of their struggle for freedom were in the same situation. The extremists were against ‘Council entry’. But the moderates considered ‘Council entry’ crucial to raise the Indian concern in the house of Governor-General’s legislative Council. They contested and won the elections, then took oath of office under the Constitution of British India and debated in the floor of the house their right to be independent. They were only sixteen in number in the Governor-General’s legislative Council. Nevertheless, they considered their voices loud enough to be heard. It finally paid off. What are our options to explore the scope of exploiting constitutional provisions based on India’s past situation? 

In the context of the Nagas, only two members may be indeed too less to make an impact in a house of over five hundred in the parliaments. In such given situation our only hope of constitutional approach seems in the house of State Legislative Assembly. If the moderates of Indian freedom fighters thought ‘Council entry’ and subsequent oath-taking under the British Constitution was not a constitutional sin to raise their voice should we consider it a sin?

The last ten State general elections had become a reality. ‘Council entry’ should be considered a viable supplementary option or at least an essential evil and no longer a deterrent. We should explore all constitutional provisions for constructive debate on the Naga issue. The floor of the State assembly can become a battle ground for live debates on Naga independence issue. Our intention is clearly not to destabilize the integrity of India but to explore constitutional means to bell out the two nations entangled in political mess. Our attempt is clearly to convince India by peaceful means to re-write its constitution, exclusive of Nagas. 

The elected members are the people who make maximum contact with Indian political leaders, philosophers, scientists, educationists, religious leaders, etc. They need to create awareness and sensitize the average Indians about our rights using all available means. It is a fallacy to believe that by supporting one State political party during the elections and installing a friendly State Government thereafter, the Naga political issue could be brought to an end. The past experiences are living proofs. 

The Nagas have explored many available means to liberate ourselve from foreign yoke. But we have not fully explored the positive side of ‘Council entry’. Allow the State’s elected representatives to play more significant roles. A private member’s bill on Naga issue in the floor of the house should not be treated as anti-India or anti-constitutional stance but as a welcome step in India’s open door-policy. Why should any responsible leader be allowed to take the excuse of being restrained to talk on Naga issue? Our problem is that we simply resign to lopsided interpretation of the Constitution and take it as the convention. We have not explored means to convince the Indian leadership with our side of the interpretation. That should be a challenge to us. Council entry should not be accepted as an end in itself but used as the means to achieve our goal. 

Ours’ has been a long drawn war. The people long for a space to breathe in while; the lamp of sovereignty may continue burning. The permanent solution may take some time. We cannot be in transition period forever. It should have a logical end. If the developments in the State departments are any indication it is a fact that the Nagas are slowly and silently but surely moving ahead for self-rule. There was a time in the seventy’s and eighty’s when ninety percent of doctors in Nagaland were non-Nagas. Today, the reverse is true. This is one glaring example in one department. Things must be moving simultaneously in other departments too. A time is just here when the Nagas should be managing their own affairs. The question remains as to how would we make it happen expeditiously? Sovereignty for Nagas by itself will not come as a surprise free-gift from above. We have to earn it by hard work and perseverance; honesty and loyalty to the cause. We need to be steadfast.

It is very unfortunate that we’ve started drawing an equation between economic sovereignty and geo-political sovereignty. In recent years economic sovereignty has become a political ‘mantra’ for many people that matters. Fact of the situation is that; for a society that is badly ridden with corruption there cannot be any real economic sovereignty. The Nagas should not be confused with the Japanese’s economic power or European global market for geo-political sovereignty. Geo-political sovereignty is a prelude to economic sovereignty and not the other way round. If money was the question 16 point agreement could have made Nagaland a paradise for Nagas to live in; if, only if Naga leaders were more honest with money. 

It is absurd to talk about economic sovereignty with the Nagas’ wealth concentrated in the hands of few people. Even in the present context, unless the Nagas are prepared to honestly utilize funds provided by the Government of India economic sovereignty is a dangerous proposition, aimed at benefiting the privileged few. Giving the present situation in Nagaland of the ‘rich getting richer’ and the ‘poor getting poorer’ economic sovereignty is but, a capitalist’s proposition with intent and attempt to establish a corporate State. Ours’ is a welfare State in which, the wealth of the State is expected to have equal distribution.

More than economic sovereignty, what we need today is a new social order (perestroika) in a new political dispensation. Sovereignty or no sovereignty, Nagas need to change their mindset in its entirety, should we even think of surviving as a people in the great sea of Indian society.

In short, an honest sum up of the Naga political situation and options within our reach runs thus-

1. Unite under the banner of a new Naga constitution and negotiate with India in one voice, tell them to peacefully withdraw from Naga’s land as we so desired. It is pointless to talk about unity without a banner. 

2. Exploit ‘Council (legislative assembly) entry ’ option – Take part in State general elections as has been going on and exploit constitutional means in the house of Nagaland State Legislative Assembly. Elected members need to be given greater role, who in turn need to play more significant and honest roles. 

There are two practical hurdles in this-

- If Council entry is still considered an evil and a sell out of Naga issue nothing can serve our objective better than ‘election boycott’. As of now this approach is unworkable taking into account our craze for elections. 

- On the other hand, if the elected representatives continue to be restricted by the government of India from exploring constitutional provisions in or outside the floor of the house, ‘resign en-block’ should be the logical and expected step. But, given the present State political developments and lack of consensus among the State political parties this approach too is impracticable.

3. Allow the slow pace of transition of Government machineries to continue under present political dispensation. Uphold the legacy of sovereignty and allow its lamp to continue burning. In the meantime, honestly utilize funds to re-construct the nation and build up a strong economic foundation for smooth transfer of power within a time-bound agreement. This is the popular rhetoric at the moment.

4. Wait for a Naga Messiah to deliver the Nagas– should we continue to reject the options within the reach of human being our only hope is to wait for a Naga Messiah to deliver the Nagas. The Nagas believe that our freedom struggle is God-inspired. That is reason good enough to hope that a Messiah, who is spiritually inspired and politically baptized with mass following would deliver the Nagas from this never-ending journey of wilderness.
 



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