Joseph Kuba
Giraldus Cambrensis (a 12th century Welsh scholar) advised the King of England to effectively subjugate the Welsh rebellion thus:
A people who with a collected force will not openly attack the enemy, nor wait to be besieged in castles, is not to be overcome at the first onset, but to be worn down by prudent delays and patience. Let (the prince) divide their strength, and by bribes and promises endeavor to stir up one against the other. … let not only the marshes, but also the interior part of the country be strongly fortified … (and supplies) strictly interdicted … (And) when the severity of winter approaches …and the mountains no longer afford hope of pasturage … let a body of light-armed infantry penetrate into their woody and mountainous retreats, and let these troops be supported and relieved by others.
While the above quote also looks like one of Machiavelli’s eccentric prescriptions to the ‘Prince’, I quote this in the light of similar views held and practiced by policy makers in a number of regions where ‘rebellion’ is prevalent in contemporary times. It is also interesting that a number of these methods make up the fundamentals of the curriculum in Jungle Warfare colleges and some of the principles of ‘psychological warfare’ meant to counter terrorists/insurgents.
I am tempted to write on this issue after coming across an article on the ‘North-East’, wherein the author points out that in the North Eastern states “Development sops are put forward when there is strife, and the authors of discord in the region use conflict to attract pacifiers.” Well said! because this seems to be the prevailing attitude of the policy makers and at a moment such as now when Indo-Naga talks after talks are being held this needs to be elaborated and seriously considered. This is an interesting hypothesis that can come either from a friend or an enemy and two understandings of this assumption can be reflected upon. First, this could mean that those engaged in ‘rebellion’ in the region have no ideological or political basis or that in the course of the long-drawn out conflict these fundamentals have been diluted to the point of them becoming irrelevant in the backdrop of the nexus between ‘money’ and the ‘cause’ of the protagonists. Secondly, this can be interpreted to mean that there has been a perennial government policy of bribing ‘people who matter’ in the region so that situations do not get out of hand to become a matter of concern to the incumbent Indian government and which could, in a course of time, drag in international disquiet.
In this regard and at a critical juncture, such as the present, where the future of the Nagas lie between living with dignity that history demands and surviving in a globalising world where life revolves around ‘credit cards’ and ‘e-money’, it will be quite pertinent to reflect upon the role that ‘money’, from whatever source, is playing upon the psyche of the Nagas, both young and old.
It is no secret that special ‘packages’ come to our coffers. It is also no secret that a lot of agencies both governmental and non-governmental have set aside funds for all sorts of projects and schemes. The proliferation of NGOs in the region bears witness to this fact. My worry is: do these funds come from an enemy or a friend. Buying people for vested interests has been a trade that has existed since times immemorial. Governments around the world have special units within their defence establishments to train people in this art. If the Russian KGB made a name for itself during the Cold War, it was precisely because they were masters in this art.
It is not often but it isn’t never that we hear ‘money’ being used in Nagalim for purposes that have nothing to do with ‘development’ (if there was ever one). Much has also been written and talked about the corrupting influence of money and the corruption that goes on behind every government-designated counter. Of course, it would be presumptuous of me to preach the morality behind the use of this resource that enter Nagalim from whatever source. But it would perhaps be tragic if questions are not raised as to whether the money, as I said, comes from a friend or an enemy.
Through this column I wish to argue that there is ample evidence to prove that ‘development sops are put forward when there is strife’ in the North Eastern states. These have, however, been done in most cases to silence a people of modest assets and amenities (although I must assert that too little of these development sops reach those who need them most) through those in authority who are used as pawns. Money, indeed, is perhaps the most effective means to either effect silence or to make people shout and scream. But I also wish to argue that the proliferation of aggrieved groups in the North Eastern states, in recent times, with various demands go beyond the simplistic notion of “attracting pacifiers”. No doubt, dubious characters ever fishing for the culpable Rupee are ever on the lookout without the least bit of scruples. But I don’t believe each of the groups that have taken up the yoke of their people, grievously wronged by history and circumstances are but pawns in the vicious grip of the power of money and its corrupting influence.
For me as a Naga, the Naga history has been written in ‘blood and tears’. There have been various attempts to “divide their strength, and by bribes and promises endeavor to stir up one against the other.” The seemingly success of such a strategy, however, as I see it, has but become a means for the crystallization of the pristine Naga values and principles. It took the Wild West two centuries to become America. I am afraid, in too little a time, Nagas young and the old are beginning to understand the ‘treachery’ in all its subtleties that threaten their very existence. ‘Kuknalim’ is beginning to echo louder – even in Delhi.
