Gideon Shadang,
Ph.D Institute of Naga Studies, Dimapur Collective memory cannot be wrong if it is not corrupted with intention of deceits. Seven months after the commencement of the political talk between the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) and the Government of India (GoI) on 1stAugust, 1997, for finding a solution to the longest political conflict in the Indian sub-continent, the Election commission of India declared for state election in Nagaland within the purview of the Indian law. Therefore, the Naga Hoho championed a movement as a protest against the condescending treatment of India to the ongoing Naga-India talks by campaigning for “No election without solution”. While all the parties upheld the call of the Naga Hoho and refrained from participating in the election, the Congress party, then with its regime in the Centre, filed nominations conspicuously in all the constituencies and declared winning uncontested in 44 seats. Altogether, the Congress won 53 seats and 7 went to the independents.
If the above experience is any indication, the BJP at the Centre today is blatantly following the same suit as the then Congress party in declaring to contest the ensuing Assembly election inspite of the pressing nature in finalising the Framework Agreement signed since 3rdAugust, 2015. Although the promise of Narendra Modi to find a permanent settlement to the simmering Naga-India conflict within 18 months from the day his government came to power has lapsed long ago, the lure of the prospective formation of a BJP government in the Christian majority state for the first time in India from the current turmoil seem to be too tempting for them. Now, the Modi party at the centre calls upon the good will of the Nagas to bring BJP in the state for solution, referentially indicating that the regional party like NPF lacks such craft.
In all these delirious moments of indecision, the fear of being inconsequential in the subsequent government and politics has pushed the rest of the parties to follow the footsteps of BJP by declaring their candidates. Unsurprisingly, most of these candidates are incumbent or ex-legislatures and sworn signatories of Nagaland Joint Legislatures with resolution to vacate their Assembly seats when the solution comes to call them for paving way towards final settlement. The current momentum although invariably serves as a ground preparation to the imminent arrival of the final settlement, the love for self-aggrandisement veils them from the resolution(s) they signed.
As the saying goes “the devil lies in the details,” the euphoria of election has begun to spread rough and wide in Nagaland. Since the election practice in India is largely driven by the patronage capacity and indulgence of the political candidates, the famished grassroot voters are easily mobilised by the benefaction and promises. It is no surprise that Nagaland spent Rs. 937.82 crore in the last election by the 184 candidates. Polarisation of the Nagas into clans and tribes, essentially taking ugly turns even at the cost of Naga unity have been commonly witnessed. One cannot rule out that some of the tribal hohos are not dissuaded from the call for “solution without election,” by the fact of the above reasons.
Considering the probability of splintering the Nagas into parochial groups during elections, the Naga civil societies, such as the Naga Hoho, NTC, ACAUT, etc. have sent representations to the Government of India for the deferment of election much before the declaration of the election in Nagaland by the Election Commission of India on 18 January, 2018. The movement of the Core Committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) for deferment of election in view of pressing for early Naga-India political solution is in no way a surprise call after all. Inspite of the appeals of these frontal groups representing various Naga tribal bodies, many of the latter have taken contradicting positions against the movement of their parent body. So, any ardent follower of the Naga movement would scratch one’s head for answer. What prompted some of the tribal Hohos to defy the decision of the CCNTHCO? Is it free goodies of election? Or is it the persuasion of the candidates? Or as some say, is it a protest against the leadership of CCNTHCO that comprised of erstwhile renegades of the Naga Hoho, which is a symbol of Naga unity? Or is it cynicism against the Framework Agreement which is currently being drafted?
All of the above questions are self-referential (predicative) in nature, except for the last one. There won’t be easy solution to the protracted Naga-India political problem, and likely the deferment of election is not going to give any ready-made answer. However, the concerted demands of the Nagas by such constitutional challenge shall build urgency for early solution, prepare the Nagas for solution, sent out the message of Naga unity, and help to create situation that the Naga issue is seriously discussed in the parliament of India at length. Once the Nagas refrain from participating in the election in toto, the President of India will take cognizance that the constitutional machinery of the state has failed. After which, the President will either install caretaker government or imposed direct rule. However, to bring the President rule in the state requires assent of the Parliament. If the Nagas resolutely stand against election until the political solution is brought forth, in every six months the President rule in the state will be reviewed by the Parliament for extension thereafter. This situation will not only educate all the uninformed legislatures and parliamentarians of India on the Naga-India political problems but shall prompt everyone of them to find the solution as early as possible for the fear that Indian democracy would be deemed failed by the world outside.
It is a crafty tactical calculation of the leadership if the election is successfully boycotted; one foot into solution. No doubt, blind faith to leadership is dangerous, but the leadership conglomeration of the recent antagonistic groups and bodies speaking in one voice for common cause is more than an indication that the ongoing negotiation of Framework Agreement is a plausible political structure for the Nagas’ future. Can the Nagas afford to doubt these diverse leaderships in some way representing our own mandate? From the various media sources, the public has been informed that the political identity of the Nagas will be protected and highest internal autonomy will be given to the Nagas within the newly conceptualised notion of shared sovereignty as proposed by the government of India through the then interlocutor RS Pandey in 2010. The envisaged structure may not be the ultimate objective of the Nagas, but it sure will be a good foundation of building common future. One must learn to appreciate the fact that the age-old desire of the Nagas for unity among the Naga nationalist groups and civil societies is manifestly seen through this movement. If there is little contribution every Naga must make at this instant towards achieving the long-cherished goal, it cannot be more nobler than strengthening the leadership commanding the current movement. As a good fellow Nagas of the indomitable nation, one must learn to unite with the leadership lest the hard-won Naga nationhood fade out into oblivion. In the spirited support of all the Nagas, the Core Committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) be given the required confidence and guidance to lead the movement with a clarion call that the political movement must be steadfast.
